Table of contents
- Editorial: Multiparty Democracy in Botswana
by Gloria Emeagw ali, Chief Editor
- F. Aiyejina, Visiting Scholar, Lincoln University ,
I, THE SUPREME
- Mpho G. Molomo, Multiparty Democracy
- Paul Kekai Manansala Sacramento, California,
The "Black Athena" debate in cyberspace
- Haines Brown, History Dept., C.C.S.U.,
Africa and the Net
- Abstracts from the 2nd Annual Conference
of African Studies November 18, 1995
African Studies, CCSU, in collaboration with the Department
of Political Science, CCSU, had the pleasure of hosting Dr. Mpho Molomo,
of the University of Botswana, as Visiting Fulbright Scholar, in the
1995/96 academic year.
Before his return to Botswana a few weeks ago, Dr Molomo
kindly agreed to analyze the phenomenon of multiparty democracy in Botswana.
Botswana has been able to confine the military to the barracks during
the last thirty years and has held seven free and fair elections since
it regained independence in 1966.
Molomo's comments on Botswana's electoral system and the
phenomenon of proportional representation provide useful insights into
some of the basic pillars of political culture in that region. His discussion
also constitutes the first of a two-part series on multiparty democracy
in the continent.
In the Fall issue we will conclude Molomo's analysis and
shift our focus to multi-partism in Cameroon. Nigeria's recent defeat
of two of the world's superpowers in soccer, namely Brazil and Argentina,
at the Olympics in Atlanta, has once more highlighted the great significance
of Africa's most populous country. Because of NBC's jaundiced coverage
of the games, we were denied the opportunity of seeing the new world
superpower in soccer for more than a few moments. NBC showed us only
those games where Americans were winning, it seems. In any case, the
Nigerian success on the football field is a major victory that not even
NBC can wish away.
In the political arena, however, the present situation
in Nigeria remains alarming, and few have articulated this disenchantment
more effectively than Funso Aiyejina, one of the outstanding poets of
contemporary Nigeria. In his poem, "I, the Supreme," Aiyejina
reflects on the arrogance and authoritarianism of military power at
the present time. His memorable masterpiece reminds us of the urgency
with which the world's new superpower in soccer must transform its political
This issue of Africa Update also addresses one of the
most significant intellectual events to have taken place in cyberspace,
the "Black Athena" debate, sponsored by Harper Collins and
triggered by the publication of Mary Lefkowitz's largely polemical,
Not out of Africa. We are particularly fortunate to have a summary of
the debate by none other than Paul Manansala, one of the debate's most
active and knowledgeable participants.
Finally, we note that African Studies, CCSU, will host
its Third Annual Conference, on Saturday, November 2nd, 1996.
Gloria Emeagwali - Chief Editor
Table of contents
I, THE SUPREME
Prologue from The Book of the General
F. Aiyejina, Visiting Scholar,
They labour in vain: termites aspiring
to devour rocks!
Futile is their plot to surprise the crab
in a trance
The back of the cat is not for the ground to embrace.
I have consumed the lion and inherited
I am the vulture, armed with the gift of old age.
They schemed tunnels into the castles in
In pursuit of secrets with which to build for me a hell.
But I, the wily part-hero of many previous
Struck and erected the one-hero-tale-to-end-all-tales:
Installed myself sole Patriarch of the
Displaced the mirthless duo from the slaughterhouse.
Ascended the throne of an always grateful nation
And unchained my secret sharers from the jaws of damnation.
With the silent support of silver-tongued
From the reformed Fraternity of Mysterious Letters
Who had wormed their ways into the people's
I acquired dominion over the land and its headstreams
Injected instant doubts into the dongoyaro
From which they plot to create a magical blend
With which to set their malarial futures
I cast my shadows, eagle-spanned, over the land.
Invisible like a harmattan wind from a
I suckled the milk from the silk-cotton landmark
Envisaged by pilgrims with an ancient thirst
As the ultimate guide to the lake in the dark.
Self-assured in my might and the royalty
of my marksmen
I painted the future of the nation in my choice colours
And ignored the distracting cries of misguided
Who insist that destinies immersed in fugitive colours
Are doomed to run whenever submerged in
However adroit the skills of the dyemasters.
Botswana has, since independence in 1966 without fail,
followed the constitutional provision of regular elections after five
years. These seven successive elections illustrate that the process
has become more than just a ritual, but is an integral part of the political
culture. They are now institutionalised mechanisms of selecting leaders
to the highest legislative institution on the land, the National Assembly.
This commitment has been attested by the fact that people have always
left their important daily chores, sometimes facing the odds of travelling
long distances and bad weather, to cast a vote.
The Constitution provides for non-racial multi-party democracy
which is based on the basic democratic tenants of regular free and fair
elections, equality of all citizens, freedom of association, assembly
and belief, and the rule of law. It also provides for a unicameral legislature
where Members of Parliament (MPs) represent their respective constituencies.
Botswana operates the Single Member District (SMD) electoral
system where 40 MPs are elected, on a constituency basis, based on the
simple plurality system (SPS) sometimes referred to as the "winner-take-all"
to the National Assembly. The National Assembly then elects four specially
elected MPs and the Speaker of the House. Botswana, however, does not
have presidential elections. It operates the Westminster Parliamentary
system in which the presidential candidate whose party wins the majority
of the National Assembly seats takes office as President and selects
cabinet from among his/her party members in the National Assembly.
In addition to the National Assembly there is also the
House of Chiefs, which is not an elective office, but a house that draws
its membership from the traditional authorities, dikgosi (chiefs). This
house, which has 15 members, has no legislative powers it only advises
government on matters of tradition and custom. Dikgosi and dikgosana
(sub-chiefs) preside over the kgotla (village assembly), which is the
traditional forum for discussing tribal matters, and adjudicate cases
falling under the purview of customary law.
The study of Botswana's democratic process is warranted,
despite its distinctive record as longest surviving multi-party democracy
in Africa. There is obviously the need to explain why Botswana has maintained
a good track record. The growing trends towards democratisation in Africa,
particularly Southern Africa, have provided a new and comparative context
within which to study Botswana's political institutions and processes.
Needless to add, the eulogy that Botswana has received for its democratic
process should not lead to complacency but should be an inspiration
for further research.
In this article I argue that good governance and democracy
can not only be enhanced by a government that comes to power through
the popular will of the people, that is, universal adult suffrage, but
also by the use of electoral system that ensures greater proportionality
of representatives to the popular vote. The constitution of Botswana,
especially the electoral act, can be amended to make it responsive to
the new democratic wave. There are three areas in which this article
seeks to make a contribution, and they are: to suggest ways in which
Botswana's democracy can be strengthened with a view to be in line with
the new democratic wave; to suggest how electoral law can be reviewed;
and to argue for the need for presidential elections. To sum up, the
quality of democracy must be enhanced by the use of appropriate electoral
systems. In sum, to study how electoral system in Botswana affects the
practice of democratic governance.
The Conceptual Framework
Botswana has over the past thirty years marshalled an
impressive record where democratic norms set by the constitution have
been legally and politically observed. In a continent where formal democratic
structures and processes have been wanting, she has been described as
a flagship of democratic practice. The import of this text however is
not to eulogise Botswana's democratic achievements. Rather, it is to
embark on a critical appraisal of its political process, in particular,
the electoral process.
Botswana is undoubtedly a front runner in multi-party
democracy in Southern Africa, yet its constitution pales by comparison
to that of the emerging democracies in the region. The constitutions
of the newer democracies in Southern Africa (Namibian and South Africa),
even though they have not stood the test of time, rival that of Botswana
especially in matters relating to electoral law and empowerment of the
It is important to begin with a review some theoretical
assumptions about elections, as an abstract icon, because empirical
data can only be interpreted on the basis of relevant theories. Studies
which have been conducted on Botswana, such as; Molutsi and Holm (1989);
Molomo and Mokopakgosi (1991) and Stedman (1993) have characterised
the country as a beacon of democratic practice, but this as shall be
shown below is slowly eroding. They have also concluded that the weaknesses
in its multi-party system make it a de facto one party state (Molomo
and Mokopakgosi, 1991:13) as the Botswana Democratic Party (BDP) gains
at the polls indicate.
While the above studies have made valuable contribution
to Botswana's political process, none of them, except some reference
to the origins of political parties (Nengwekhulu, 1979), is a study
of the electoral process. Perhaps the most valuable contribution with
respect to the study of electoral law in Botswana is to be found in
Otlhogile and Molutsi (1993) done under the auspices of the Democracy
Research Project (DRP).
It has increasingly come to light that democracy and good
governance are not measured solely by regular free and fair elections,
but also by the extent to which governments are "responsive to
the needs of the population and properly accountable to their actions"
(Danevad, 1995:381). The extent to which government reforms electoral
law to suit the interests of the people will illustrate the extent of
Botswana's Electoral System
Electoral democracy in Botswana is guaranteed by law.
The Constitution and, more specifically, the Electoral Act specifies
the conduct of elections. It specifies when elections are to be held,
who is eligible to vote and who can run for office. In short, electoral
systems control the rules of the game, how elections are won and lost.
Elections and electoral systems stand second to none as
mechanisms for, not only, choosing leaders to public office but also
institutionalizing an accepted mode of changing a government. They are
some key instruments through which leaders gain the consent, credibility
and legitimacy of being lawful leaders.
Botswana's electoral system is noteworthy in the sense
that it has adapted complex set of theoretical assumptions about the
conduct of elections to the specific situation in Botswana. Most of
the population lives in the rural areas and has low levels of education.
Many cannot read and write. In recognition of this fact the political
system has adapted voting procedures to make it easier for these people
to participate in voting. Every political party has its own voting disc
bearing a particular shape and colour coinciding, to the extent possible,
with party colours.
However, Botswana's electoral system has been known to
be rigid. Many cases of this rigidity have been noted but for purposes
of illustration reference will be made to one case observed by the Democracy
Research Project (DRP) during the 1994 election. This was a case in
one ward in Kgatleng East constituency where the returning officer,
as with all of them, was not sufficiently empowered to take decisions
that would help the voters. In this particular instance, about ten names
of bonafide voters were not printed in the voter's roll. These people
had voter registration and the national registration cards that are
the only requirements to enable them to cast a vote. Needless to add,
these people were not only well known to both the council candidates
but one was the wife of the candidates. Despite pleas to have them vote
under oath they were denied their democratic right to choose a government
of their choice.
If past events are anything to go by, the contrary was
equally damning. Had the returning officer used his discretion to allow
them to vote under oath, that may have been sufficient ground to support
an election petition. There is already a precedent in this regard. In
1989 in Mochudi the returning officer, contrary to the provisions of
the electoral law, extended the voting time to avoid turning back voters
who had showed up to cast their vote2. This act was petitioned in the
High Court which ordered a reelection. This shows that matters between
the law and democracy often represent a catch-22 situation. This study
recognises the new wave of democratic practice where free and fair elections,
while taken as a good measure of democracy, are viewed only as an aspect
of a much more complex set of political arrangements. It recognises
that democracy is not just about polling, the people freely electing
a government of their choice. Rather that it also has to address matters
of how voters' choices are circumscribed and, in particular, the manner
in which the electoral system is organised.
To further emphasize, the fairness of the electoral system
cannot only be attested by the freedom of the poll. It has to do, among
others, with a whole series of processes, such as monitoring of the
whole electoral process; registration of political parties; the delineation
of constituencies; freedom to campaign and to have access to resources
to campaign effectively; access to the media; registration of voters;
voter education and the impartiality of the electoral process.
In Botswana voting age is set at 21 years and above. The
lowering of the voting age to 18 has been one of the most contested
issues in recent years. The ruling party has been against it saying
that the majority of 18 year olds are school-going kids and many of
them are not mature enough to make informed political choices. The opposition,
on the other hand, argues that 18 year olds are mature people many of
whom hold positions in government and in the army.
The opposition has on occasion, particularly during the
1994 elections, threatened to boycott the elections if government did
not accede to their demands of lowering the voting age from 21 to 18
years. Government has since accepted these demands and is now calling
for a referendum on the issue constitutional validity.
In addition to lowering the voting age the opposition
also argue that there is also the need to introduce the absentee ballot.
The absence of the absentee ballot, they argue, disenfranchises significant
numbers of Botswana who at any given moment are out of the country pursing
studies or other matters of national interest. To this government has
declined saying that it would be expensive to run.
In Africa to ensure fairness of elections, where allegations
of rigging and gross irregularities are reported, international and
local election monitoring and observation groups have become a growing
industry. Botswana during the 1994 elections, while credited as one
of the countries running relatively free and fair elections, attracted
the attention of five observer groups, namely; Poll Watch Africa, the
National Democratic Institute, the Catholic Peace and Justice Commission,
the Democracy Research Project and the Botswana Christian Council. However,
Poll Watch Africa and the Botswana Christian Council, even though granted
permission, were not able to observe the elections. All the observation
groups declared that the conduct of elections was free and fair, save
for some administrative irregularities.
Botswana operates the single member district (SMD) simple
plurality system (SPS) which is sometimes referred to as the "winner-take-all"
or "first-past-the-post" system. The dominant trait of the
SPS system is that it is said to produce two party systems or a multi-party
one party dominant system. This system is said to produce strong cabinets
which are drawn from one party. The next section seeks to discuss the
pros and cons of the PR System versus the SPS, with a view to determine
which one leads to greater democratic governance.
Proportional Representation vs. Simple Plurality
Electoral systems come in many forms. The two main electoral
systems, which also have numerous variations, are the simple plurality
system (SPS) and proportional representation (PR). Over the years there
have been debates on which of the two electoral systems is most democratic,
and they center on five main factors: how representative are the outcomes
of the election; which system creates greater equality for the citizens;
which allows for greater participation of the people; which allows for
greater accountability and transparency; and which leads to greater
efficiency and stability of government? To be sure, there are no easy
answers to these questions. This section seeks a detailed discussion
of the two electoral systems.
The greatest debates over electoral systems have been
entered into by, among others, Quade (1991), Lijphart (1991), Lardeyrat
(1991),Reynolds (1995) and Barkan (1995). Lijphart(1991) and Reynolds
(1995), are the great proponents of the PR system. They advance several
reasons why PR is the best electoral system. First, they argue that
it is the "fairest" method of electing members of parliament
because it ensures proportionality between the number of seats and popular
vote. Second, PR is said to be most "inclusive" it ensures
that all shades of opinion, so long as they have a political voice,
are represented in the government.
Third, PR is rule by consensus in that it allows all political
parties with some following, depending on the threshold, to participate
in government. And fourth, PR "enhances the prospects for democratization
in plural societies" in which political diffe\rences manifest themselves
along ethnic, linguistic, religious and regional basis.
The SPS as outlined by Lijphart, among others, "favour
the two party system and single party governments." The strength
of this system is that it accounts for greater "governmental stability
and decision-making capacity" which is lacking in coalition governments.
The greatest strength of the single member district is that political
parties can maintain a link between an individual MP and their constituency.
This allows for effective leadership and accountability because an ineffective
MP would be voted out in the next election.
In the new era of democracy where the catch words are
"good governance," "political accountability" and
"political transparency" the SPS system has won great acclaim.
It is said that the above virtues can best be achieved by one party
cabinets which are solely responsible for mismanagement and non performance
of government. The SMD is said to be not only accountable but also offers
"firm leadership" which is effective in policy formulation
However the SPS is widely criticized for being inadequate
for representing sectional interests, such as the rights of minorities;
youths, women, ethnic groups, etc. It is said to marginalise smaller
political parties. But, we think, for democracy to be effective it must
enjoy complete support and participation by the people. ________________________
This paper will be continued in our Fall issue, along
with the citations
Table of contents
Paul Kekai Manansala
From mid-April to the end of May in 1996, the publishing
company, Harper Collins, sponsored an Internet debate between Mary Lefkowitz
and Martin Bernal. Lefkowitz's new book, Black Athena Revisited, her
direct response to Bernal's Black Athena, is published by Harper Collins.
However, even more interesting and informative than the
debate itself was the sometimes fierce discussion on the related discussion
list, also sponsored by Harper Collins.
The Bernal-Lefkowitz "debate" consisted of only
one rather brief exchange between the two. The discussion on athena-discuss,
the mailing list where list members posted messages to all other members
was voluminous, with over six million bytes of cyberspace exchange.
Many illustrious scholars participated, although many of the more well
known names in Afrocentrism, who would have had little trouble in the
English-speaking forum, such as Molefi Asante, Maulana Karenga, Marimba
Ani et al., were not present. At least one very active anti- Afrocentrist,
Bernard Ortiz-de-Montellano, was among the participants.
There were enough noteworthy scholars on both sides, though,
to make the event one of unusual magnitude for the Internet. These scholars
included Tom Anderson, Ayele Bekerie, Joycelyn Landrum-Brown, Eric Cline,
Peter Daniels, Douglas Deal, Gordon Fisher, Errol Henderson, Ed Kent,
Scott MacEachern, Harold Marcus, Diriye Abdullahi Mohame, Tom Powers,
Anthony Preus, Gloria Sampson, Ray Winbush, Clyde Winters, and Gloria
Emeagwali. Some members of the academy chose anonymity, such as one
Near Eastern scholar known only as "Kate." Although she supported
Bernal's work and even considered it a great inspiration, she feared
repercussions if she revealed her identity.
In addition to scholars, list members came from a wide
spectrum of backgrounds and included activists such as "Emiliano
Zapata," students Jason Banta and "Dalton," African religionists,
Wole Mongo Ife and Kwesi Otabil; writer/engineer S. F. Thomas; and history
buff John Servais. The range of topics was exceptionally broad. Often,
the main topic of the discussion, Martin Bernal's thesis on the Afro-Asiatic
roots of classical culture, was just tangentially related to the subjects
being discussed. On a number of occasions, tempers flared and charges
of racism were hurled in both directions. Even a few instances of name-calling
and racial slurs occured although generally the "flame wars"
common in other Internet forums was avoided. Although many participants,
numbering over 2,000 at the outset, remained quiet, a real percentage
of "non- professionals" freely expressed themselves.
A few of the scholars quite openly attempted to intimidate
others by frequently inquiring about credentials and the authority of
persons to speak on specific subjects. Despite this resistance, there
was enough representation on both sides to provide for a healthy and
continuous debate throughout the list's existence. Topics ranged from
the "blackness" of the ancient Egyptians to modern racism
and ethnocentrism in the academy.
At times, the depth of discussion on this electronic forum
was comparable to that found in any other medium. Substantial discussion
on the cultural relations and exchange between the Egyptians and Greeks
occured through most of the debate, although the area of relationship
between Greek and Egyptian philosophy was not covered thoroughly enough
for some members. Some very detailed exchanges were made on the possible
Egyptian origin of Greek science and mathematics. Near the middle of
the debate, the use of the word, "Amerikkka," in particular,
set off a long battle in cyberspace. The use of "Amerikkka,"
as pointed out by Prof. Winbush has a long history among African- Americans.
In the latter half of the discussion, the topic of the
"race" of the Egyptians began to take center stage. Obviously,
from the depth of the postings that ensued, this subject was close to
the hearts of many participants. The "blackness" of the Egyptians
may indeed be the original argument upon which Afrocentrism was founded.
Mention was made of early black leaders who espoused such views going
back at least to the Civil War. According to Afrocentrists, multiculturalists
and like- minded thinkers, Western scholarship has falsified, or otherwise
falsely interpreted the history of civilization. Ancient Egypt is one
of the classic examples of this corruption of history. According to
the Greek sources themselves, Greek civilization owed a great debt to
Egypt a civilization which Afrocentrists argue was of "black"
African origin. The anti-Afrocentrists questioned the Greek sources,
and engaged in "source criticism" of direct quotes provided
to the list. In the end though, it was clear that most in the discussion
were already dug into their positions before the debate began.
Concerning Lefkowitz and Bernal themselves, only a small
portion of the discussion centered on the arguments they posted to the
debate list. More participants were concerned about the funding of Lefkowitz
and other "anti- multicultural" elements by institutions like
the Olin Foundation. The latter organization is funded by a defense
related corporation that has sponsored writings by Dinesh D'Souza and
other thinkers who are generally considered "right wing."
Other well known books or studies funded by Olin or similar organizations
include The Bell Curve and Phillip Rushton's study on the supposed inverse
relationship between penis size and intelligence.
Although some specialists lamented the lack of in-depth
discussion in their particular fields, all in all the output was quite
impressive. The future for Internet conferences of this type is bright
if such quality and quantity can be duplicated in the future.
At least one Internet site on the World Wide Web has
been set up highlighting some of the discussion on the list and offering
other resources on the subject. At the address: http://www.he.net/~skyeagle/afro.htm
one can find this web site known as The Afrocentric Debate Homepage.
Table of contents
Haines Brown, C.C.S.U. History Department
Much discussed is the relationship between the Internet
and African rural development. How can one achieve Internet connectivity
without electrical power or phone lines?
The Christian organization, Mission Aviation Fellowship,
has excellent connectivity using packet radio modems tied into a cellular
phone network in Kinshasa.
At the other extreme, AT&T is building a fiber optic
cable around the entire African coast (Project AfricaOne). It will undoubtedly
bring excellent bandwidth to coastal cities, but the need for profitability
will sharply limit its effect on rural areas.
For an analysis of the limits and potentials of African
connectivity, read Saul F. C. Zulu, "Africa's Survival Plan for
Meeting the Challenges of Information Technology in the 1990s and Beyond,"
Libri, 44 (1), 77-94.
But there are some successes in rural connectivity. Relying
on a telephone line is the SOS Children's Village for orphans, in Mamelodi,
South Africa (http://ekhaya.sos.pta.school.za/),
which offers full internet connection in a rural area. This is done
with Codan radios, 9002 high speed (2400 bd) modems, and 9102x software
on a web server connecting to a high quality (19.2 Kb) leased telephone
line. The server supports thirty 386-machines in a computer lab.
An example of e-mail in a very remote area lacking public
telephone lines is the "Emailing Sisters of Mercy"(http://www.mg.co.za/mg/pc/96j
une/18june/18june-nuns.htm). They purchased a cellular phone-modem
from Siemens and connect with it to the South African cellular network
at the University of Pretoria.
Abstracts from the 2nd Annual Conference of African Studies
November 18, 1995
Civil Society: A new paradigm for democratization and
economic development in Southern Africa
Mpho G. Molomo, the University of Botswana, Gaborone,
and Visiting Fulbright Scholar at Central Connecticut State University
This paper seeks to develop an understanding of the interface
between civil society and the post-colonial state in the democratic
development of the Southern African region. It starts from the basic
premise that a vibrant civil society is the basis for good democratic
governance and sustained economic development.
The paper attempts a survey of the contributions of organs
of civil society in the democratization process in the region. A study
of the region suggests that, though transitions of democratic governance
are still at formative stages, by and large, multi- partyism alone is
not a sufficient condition for democracy. In addition to multi-partyism,
there is need to institutionalize a civic culture in the political system.
Increasingly, people in the region are looking toward civil society,
notwithstanding i ts own limitations, as the hope for developing democracy
and sustained economic development.
Reflections on the political and economic challenges
confronting post-apartheid South Africa
Dr. Ben Magubane, Professor of Anthropology, University
of Connecticut, Storrs.
After reviewing the history of the establishment of white
minority rule in South Africa, this paper discusses the meaning of the
transition to African majority rule. I then review the economic and
political challenges facing the Government of National Unity (GNU).
I argue that the challenges facing the GNU are as formidable as the
long struggle to overthrow white minority rule. First, the government
has to consolidate the new democracy by agreeing on a final constitution.
Second, the government has to restructure the commanding heights of
the economy that are exemplified by the dominance of Anglo- American
Corporation of South Africa. Third, the government has to achieve economic
growth equivalent to that of the so-called "Asian tigers."
Indeed, few political movements, if any, have managed as complex political
and economic a transition as that faced by the African National Congress
(ANC) that heads the GNU. Of the many statistics that illustrate the
immensity of the task ahead, few are more striking than unemployment,
substandard housing conditions and the high crime rate. Yet, in the
last eighteen months not only has democracy been consolidated as demonstrated
by the recent local elections, but South Africa is also now a leading
member of the Southern African region, with enormous potential. The
vision of the industrial muscle and technical expertise of South Africa
as a driving force in the region is, thus far, no more than that but
with statesmanship and foresight that vision will likely become a reality.
The Third Annual Conference of African Studies, CCSU,
will take place on November 1st- 3rd, 1996, at C.C.S.U., Diloreto Hall,
New Britain CT. For more information, contact Gloria Emeagwali (860-832-2815);
Peter Osei (860-832-2657); or Gabriel Alingbe (860-832- 1824) The
Regional Editors of AfricaUpdate
Zenebworke Bissrat served for several years as
Senior Management Expert at the Ethiopian Management Institute, Addis
Ababa. She is at present associated with the CMRS, Ethiopian Catholic
Church, Addis Ababa, Ethiopia.
Julius Ihonvbere is a Professor of Government
at the University of Texas, Austin. He has taught at the Obafemi Awolowo
Univeristy, Ife, and at the University of Port Harcourt. He has published
Paulus Gerdes is the Rector of Mozambique's
Universidade Pedagogico, Maputo, Mozambique. He has extensive publications
on African mathematics and is the Chair of the Commission on the History
of Mathematics in Africa, based in Maputo, Mozambique.
Mosebjane Malatsi is a Senior Policy Analyst
at the Development Bank of Southern Africa, based in Johannesburg. He
is a leading member of the Pan-African Congress.
Alfred Zack-Williams is from Sierra Leone.
He teaches in the Department of Historical and Critical Studies at the
University of Central Lancaster, UK. He is also a member of the Editorial
Board of the Review of African Political Economy (ROAPE), United Kingdom.
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Table of contents