Vol. I, Issue 4 (Fall, 1994: Nigeria on the Edge?

Table of Contents

Editorial: Nigeria on the Edge

by Dr. Gloria T. Emeagwali

chief editor of AfricaUpdate

"Soldier go, soldier come. . ." is one of the well-known Nigerian sayings which comes to mind at the present time. As General Abacha strikes out against journalists, students politicians, and all forms of protest, it seems a replay of the antics of the Babangida regime. Amongst some of the activists imprisoned by the general are Baba Omojola, Ayo Opadokun, and Beko Ransome-Kuti, members of the pro-democracy movement, and NADECO, an alliance of politicians, retired senior military officers, and other concerned citizens.

Meanwhile, Moshood Abiola, a detained politician who won last year's presidential election, is seriously ill and is still being held by the Abacha regime.

The present political crisis in Nigeria is worrying and indeed dangerous, and we hope that Nigerians, in conjunction with the international community, will work out speedy and effective ways to resolve the conflict.

A suggestion that the presidency should rotate between North and South is promising for resolving the crisis. Should this principle be adhered to, the distribution of power would be more conducive to peaceful coexistence, political stability, and successful transition to democratic governance.

The success of the South African elections of April, 1994 - discussed in the Summer, 1994, issue of this newsletter - has provoked some additional reflections on the 1993 elections in Nigeria.

In this issue of AfricaUpdate we feature the work of four Nigerian scholars, including the political poetry of the 1993/4 Fulbright Scholar in African Studies at CCSU, Professor Ambrose Monye. The transition to democracy in Nigeria is the focus of Nurudeen Abubakar of Ahmadu Bello University. As one of Nigeria's pioneers in oral history, Professor E. J. Alagoa of the University of Port Harcourt reflects on an African philosophy of history in the oral tradition. Phil Okeke of St. Mary's University, Halifax, reflects on aspects of the emerging African feminist scholarship. The African Studies Program of C.C.S.U. has had the pleasure of hosting three of these scholars. We thank them for the opportunity to include excerpts of their work in this issue.

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The Stalled Transition in Nigeria

by Nurudeen Abubakar, CNCS

Ahmadu Bello University, Zaria

The concept of "transition" derives from the various attempts, by the different military regimes, to engineer the processes of returning Nigeria to civil, if not democratic form of governance. Thus, of the 33 years since independence in 1960, the military have been in power for 23 years. In all the instances they have employed the force of arms, which they monopolize, to shove aside civilian governments. In essence, the concept of transition signifies the rejection by the generality of Nigerians, of the military seizure of power and the struggle to institute a democratic form of government.

Nigeria has thus far experienced three transitions under the military. The first, which was to have led to a return to civil rule in 1976, was jettisoned by its author, the then Head of State, General Yakubu Gowen. The second was successfully undertaken by General Olusegun Obasanjo, and it led to what in common parlance is called the 2nd Republic in 1979. The third, the subject of our discussion, was under the Military President, General Ibrahim Badanasi Babangida.

The transition programme of Babangida has been adjudged the longest, most expensive and deceitful in Nigeria. It took off with the establishment of the Political Bureau, charged with the responsibility of designing a political system for Nigeria; the Constituent Assembly and Constitution Drafting Committee; MAMSER (Mass Movement For Social And Economic Recovery) to mobilize the people; NEC (National Electoral Commission) to conduct the Elections; and CDS (Centre For Democratic Studies) to train the personnel, etc.

For eight years of the most brazen effrontery, Babangida tottered on in the face of consistent opposition from both individuals and organizations that cut through the spectrum of Nigeria, geographically and culturally. Notable features of the political scene include the charade of political party formation. None of the thirteen that applied was registered. The government created two political parties, the NRC (National Republican Convention) and the SDP (Social Democratic Party). Under the auspices of these parties of "equal founders and joiners," elections to Local Government and States were postponed from 1989 to 1990, and to 1991.

The wresting of the elections from the military junta was occasioned by the forces of opposition. The contradictions emanating from SAP (Structural Adjustment Program) in general and the particular shade given to it by the government of Babangida generated major discontent. The forces ranged against the Military junta were many and varied, in itself a reflection of the diversity and the competing and often conflicting interests. The really amazing thing was how they were able, despite their many differences, to jettison the government of Babangida.

With the conclusion of the gubernatorial elections and the assumption of the governors to office, the Nation thought it could heave a sigh of relief. This was not to be. The Babangida government with the active collaboration of some of the institutions which he had set up turned the political scene into a theatre of absurd experiments with the ultimate objective of sabotaging the process. Active collaboration was amply provided by the National Electoral Commission and the Centre for Democratic Studies. The experimentation went from the open ballet system, to the open-secret and finally the option A4.

The final lap of this tortuous Transition was the Presidential Election. In terms of the political economy of Nigeria, the control of the Federal Government is more important than all else. The processes of electing the presidential candidates was characterized by so much acrimony that the Government found it convenient to cancel the exercise (October 1992).

By this time, opposition to the Babangida Government had coalesced into the call for a sovereign national conference being championed by the Campaign for Democracy, an umbrella organization embracing about forty different groups. There are others, professional, cultural and political, outside the CD. It was the pressure by these groups that led to the inauguration of the National Assembly. This was followed with the establishment of the Transitional Council, charged primarily with the conclusion of the transition and the revival of the economy. The National Assembly was a ruse. Shackled with Decree 53, it could only legislate on aviation, national honours and antiquities and monuments. Even these needed the approval of the National Defence and Security Council, the real locus of power.

Against all odds the parties successfully produced presidential candidates. The choice of a candidate was cumbersome. After jettisoning the open ballot system and its successor, the open-secret ballot, option A4 was recommended as the method to be employed in producing the candidates. It involved the election at every ward of a candidate, who then competed to produce the local government candidate. It should be noted that we have 589 local government councils. At that level we therefore had 1,178 potential candidates. They in turn produced the state candidate. It was the State's Candidates that produced the candidate of the party.

The elections finally took place on the 12th of June, 1993, under the watchful eyes of the world. It was judged peaceful, free and fair. The election was promptly cancelled by the military dictator.

To appreciate the mass and spontaneous indignation and reaction by the citizenry, we need to remember that the government created the parties, built their offices, funded their activities, wrote their constitution and wrote the manifestoes. The government conducted both the registration of party members and the election of their officers. The National Electoral Commission, a wholly government organ, screened the candidates. The Centre for Democratic Studies trained over 400,000 electoral officers. The government deployed all the security apparatus at its disposal to conduct the election. International observers were invited by the government to supplement the efforts of the national election monitoring group. Most important of all the elections held and all the interested institutions gave it a very high mark. The government had also set up an electoral tribunal to adjudicate in case of dispute (the Association for Better Nigeria, which complained, had been declared an illegal organization by a competent court).

The citizenry could therefore not escape the conclusion that the attendant political crisis was from the onset systematically planned, officially orchestrated and absolutely self-contrived and self-inflicted. The wanton cancellation of the election was the most brazen demonstration of power without responsibility. If any doubting Thomases needed any other proof of the hidden agenda, the cancellation proved it.

The attendant struggle was to force Babangida (not the Armed Forces) out of government.

Numerous individuals and organizations across the length and breadth of Nigeria sprang up. These organizations ranged across religious, ethnic, cultural, professional and socio-political groups. The nature, character and tendencies of these groups and their activities is worthy of independent commentary. It was a definite reflection of the dynamism of Nigerian society.

It can be asserted without any fear of contradiction that the majority of Nigerians hoped that the election and the anticipated government would provide a conducive civil atmosphere from the ravages of a military junta, which by its own admission, was incompetent. The bane of military interference in government is that it develops no culture, does not respect process or procedure, nor does it respect even its own laws.

Finally the struggle, though aborted, would not have attained the success it recorded were it not for the understanding and support of the international community. The role of the international media can not be overemphasized, and so too the diplomatic support.

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Salute South Africa

by Dr. Ambrose Adikamkwu Monye

Fulbright Scholar- in- Residence, 1993/4

Salute! Salute Mandela
Salute to struggle in South Africa
Salute! one voice
Salute! courage
Salute! painful patience
Salute virtue's victory over vice

Tell it loud!
Spiritedly sing
Apartheid's nunc dimittis
It's dethronement,
But justice's enthronement.
Then, tell Brother Nigeria
to rouse from stupor,
For South Africa triumphantly marches
stalwart and vigorous
Like fresh palmwine
Frothing particles of renewed energy
Like the young eagle-
has risen to fall no more

Tell Nigeria, like South Africa,
To disclose his ailment
For he now totters and trails
where he should lead.
Tell Nigeria that, like South Africa,
Only TRUTH can heal him.

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From Global Sisterhood to the Assertion of Difference:

The Emerging African Feminist Scholarship

Dr. Phil Okeke

International Education Centre
St. Mary's University, Halifax, Nova Scotia, Canada

The current wave of scholarship on African women by indigenous female scholars not only signals a clear departure from the mainstream, but also raises pertinent questions about feminist thought in general. This is certainly a welcome, if not an inevitable, development. But the arena for the unfolding discourse is still quite small, covering mainly studies from the late 1980s. Most of the literature before this period is often dismissed on the grounds that they do not "engage feminist questions." Previous studies may not have grappled with feminist concepts, principles, and theories, especially as "certified" by the mainstream, but they pointed to the analytical themes and directions that were important to African women as the social, political and economic climate changed from one era to another. This paper therefore looks at these historical shifts as a basis for assessing the emerging scholarship.

The literature on African women before the 1970s was well contained within the functionalist paradigm. With only a few indigenous contributors, Western mainstream anthropological depictions of African women as "beasts of burden" prevailed in the outside world. Subsequently, the second wave of the women's movement in the West, spilling into development literature, helped to stimulate the study of African women as a distinct social category. The study of African women flourished through the early 1970s with many indigenous female scholars joining ranks with Western female scholars. But the field was undoubtedly dominated by the latter.

As some African female scholars such as Ifi Amadiume would contend, the emphasis of these early writings on the deplorable conditions of African women's lives perpetuated the beast of burden image. Most scholars on either side would agree, however, that this scholarship made little provision for African women's issues and concerns as articulated by indigenous female scholars. Moreover, within this framework, global sisterhood conveniently swept aside issues of imperialism and racial domination.

The split within African feminist scholarship became obvious at the onset of the UN decade, creating an impasse for the rest of the 1970s. Thus, the late 1970s saw the flowering and institutionalization of indigenous feminist scholarship. The emergence of organizations, such as the Association of African Women for Research and Development (AARWORD) founded in 1977, reflected the firm resolve to do "women's research from an African perspective."

The early 1980s saw a resurgence of collaboration between African and Western feminist scholars. Although the alliance was on slightly renegotiated terms, the political economy of the production of knowledge clearly favoured white feminists. The emerging socialist-feminist discourse on social construction of women's productive and reproductive roles significantly the themes discussed in many of the collections produced. The latter featured women more as actors rather than victims, with particular emphasis on women's economic importance in the family and the challenges posed by the dismal economic climate.

For feminist historians and sociologists studying African women, the autonomy thesis provided a common rallying point. As Simi Afonja noted, "The celebrated autonomous African woman was attractive to women in other parts of the world because of the amount of control she appeared to exercise in both the domestic and public domains." But as the conditions of African women's existence worsened through the 1980s and into the 1990s, the emphasis shifted towards a rethinking of the impact of traditional patterns of social stratification on contemporary relations of gender. This shift also followed the general trend of increasing skepticism about "Marxist" and "socialist solutions" from the West.

As feminist scholarship increasingly took on a post-modern slant from the late 1980s, the points of departure of "alternative discourses" from the mainstream sharpened. The focus of more recent writings on the role of culture and ideology as they define the dynamics of women's oppression, have placed on the agenda issues of difference and representation. In essence, the political economy of feminist scholarship has been called to question. Not only is the reality of different feminisms inevitable, but who gives expression to them, and their recognition within the mainstream, have become controversial. It may therefore be argued that the "new" scholarship on African women is largely a continuation of the struggle for "one's own space" begun in the 1970s. In this case, the growing number of indigenous voices have found expression mostly in discourses outside the mainstream.

The shifts, especially the impasse in the 1970s, indicate a rejection of global sisterhood on Western terms. White women's privileged position limits the basis for sisterhood and underscores the reality that African women's emancipation cannot be divorced from the struggle against Western domination. In addition to my own work, more recent contributions by indigenous scholars such as Ifi Amadiume, Tiyambe Zeleza and Christine Qunta have continued along the same theme that African women should define their own social location from which other contributors to the scholarship should align their analyses.

The "new scholarship" has provided a forum where African women themselves can begin to critically explore the dynamics of their oppression. Increasingly, indigenous female scholars across the continent are boldly questioning both the traditions that oppress women and the negative impact of colonial representation and imperialism. Studies from West Africa, including my research on Nigerian women, not only recognize women's crucial roles as breadwinners and community managers, but also the construction of these roles in a maelstrom social order. Similarly, Sondra Hale, Ayesha Imam, along with other female Muslim scholars, are expanding the discourse of identity politics and women's subjugation. Their writings reveal the various forms in which the Islamic state define and redefine Muslim women's identity and rights to legitimize religious fundamentalism. Equally, feminist scholars in Southern Africa, emerging from liberation struggles, are posing critical questions regarding the assumed gains women have made in their newly independent states. Despite their diversity, these writings discuss issues of gender, race, class and identity, in the context of social movements within and outside national borders.

This trend, promising as it is, faces enormous challenges. For one thing, the political economy of feminist scholarship is still skewed in favour of white feminist scholars. Therefore, questions of access to the production of knowledge and the recognition of particular forms of knowledge must be confronted. For another, tools of analysis that are grounded in the lived experiences of African women need to be developed. But given the present momentum and with more indigenous voices entering the arena, we may be only a short distance away from major debates on "African feminisms."

Note: Dr. Phil Okeke is Nigerian and holds a doctorate in Women's Studies from Dalhousie University. She is currently attached to the International Education Centre, St. Mary's University, Halifax, Canada.

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An African Philosophy of History in the Oral Tradition

by E. J. Alagoa

University of Port Harcourt


A few decades ago, African historians were required to answer questions concerning the viability of their enterprise. Was there a history to tell? Was it possible to construct a credible history out of the oral tradition? By now these questions should lie behind us. Through the work of Vansina and his students from the University of Wisconsin, among others, we know that the oral tradition is a viable source and a history in its own right; and we recognize the custodians of the traditions as both informants and historians. In this discussion we raise an additional question: Is there a philosophy of history in the African oral tradition?

To begin with, what do African philosophers say about an African philosophy? Mudimbe believes there is an "implicit philosophy" in what he terms, "the primordial African discourse in its variety and multiplicity," that is, the oral tradition. Anthony Appiah concedes that a "folk philosophy" exists in Africa, although he believes that oral tradition is not hospitable to philosophy.

We note that Tempels formulated a Bantu philosophy, from the "implicit," "folk," philosophy of the oral tradition of the Bantu. Similarly, Alexis Kagame formulated a philosophy of being from the Bantu languages of Rwanda. On the other hand, we note the case of the Dogon sage, Ogotemeli, as an instance of an 'explicit" philosophy in the oral tradition. These examples provide encouragement for an inquiry into the possibilities of an African philosophy of history in the oral tradition. We conduct our search principally among the communities of the Niger Delta in Nigeria. There is evidence of ideas about history in institutions for the veneration of ancestors and in art. Such ideas are, admittedly, only "implicit," to be interpreted with difficulty before their historiographical meaning can be made "explicit." On the other hand, the proverb text approximates to an "explicit" commentary on the history represented by the African oral tradition.

The proverb text, however, is not without problems, since it is best understood in specified contexts and its meaning is not always unambiguous. The proverb text may, therefore, be characterised as a contested text. In our view of philosophy as the raising of questions and ideas for consideration, the problems associated with the use of the proverb do not make the texts invalid, since they stimulate thought, comments, and arguments on the oral tradition. Therefore, proverbs as contested texts make them appropriate material for the discussion of an African philosophy of history.

At this point, we present for discussion, the commentaries of proverb texts, raising issues in four areas:

  • Questions on the nature of history, through the question, who is qualified to tell the oral tradition?
  • Discussion of truth, and how we may determine it in the oral tradition.
  • Statements on the nature of time: present, past, future, and eternity.
  • Ideas on the value of history.
The nature of history

On the question, Who is qualified to inform on the past, Niger Delta proverbs point to age as the most important criterion. We cite two Nembe and three Ikwerre proverbs.

  • i. More days / More wisdom (Nembe)
  • ii. What an old man sees seated / A youth does not see standing (Ikwerre)
  • iii. If a child lifts up his father / The wrapper will cover his eyes (Ikwerre)
  • iv. A god whose chief priest is a child / Can easily get out of hand (Ikwerre)
  • v. However big the male lizard is / The wall-gecko drinks the wine as the senior (Ikwerre)

The first text explicitly equates wisdom with age. The outcome is to equate history with experience, and therefore, to assign knowledge of it to those persons who had the greatest opportunity to acquire experience.

We note that age provides opportunity, and not complete assurance of wisdom or knowledge. One proverb text from the Itsekiri clarifies this:

  • vi. The spirits do not kill an old man for not knowing the history of his time.

Thus, some elders had not profited from the opportunities of age to acquire wisdom or knowledge. Yet text (iii.) warns youth against challenging even ignorant elders.


African communities place great store by the reliability of their accounts of the past and the present. The small Birom community of the Plateau region of Central Nigeria stated this explicitly in five proverbs:

  • vii. Truth never finishes.
  • viii. Truth never rots.
  • ix. Truth never rusts.
  • x. Truth is worth more than money.
  • xi. Lies have their end - But truth lives forever.

African communities were also all too aware of the existence of error and of deliberate falsehood. The Kuteb of Central Nigeria warned against error, even in the best qualified authorities, in the following proverb:

  • xii. Even a four-legged horse stumbles and falls.

Other proverb texts caution against judgements based on appearance. The Ikwerre of the Niger Delta did so in two proverbs:

  • xiii. The keen ear / Is not as big as an umbrella.
  • xiv. A large eye / Does not mean keen vision.

How then do we recognise truth? First, direct eye-witness testimony is to be preferred to others:

  • xv. He who sees does not err (Kikuyu).
  • xvi. If an apopokiri (fish)from the bottom of the river says that the crocodile is sick / It will not be doubted (Ashanti).

Second, an eye-witness account corroborated by a second witness is to be preferred to an account given by a single witness:

  • xvii. I have seen the one who stole the hen / I don't tell because I am alone (Sena).
  • xviii. An animal does not fall / Without a second shot (Nembe).

Third, the test of probability based on "the nature of things," that is, on common sense and reason:

  • xix. The oldest son does not know his father / Yet the youngest one claims to have carried seven bags for him (Ikwerre).
  • xx. "I have killed an elephant," could be true / "I have carried it to the road" must be false (Ikwerre).

The oral tradition recognised the passage of time through its visible results and impact on things, the documents of historians:

  • xxi. The year a basket is made / Is not the year it wears out(Ikwerre).

The oral tradition also understood that accounts did not spring out of nothing, but were recalled through their relevance to present circumstances; approximating to the view that "all history is contemporary history:"

  • xxii. A storyteller / Does not tell of a different season / tide (Nembe).

Is the past then created out of the present? Or does it have a grounding of its own? One text says the past came before the present, as the ground before the trees:

  • xxiii. The earth came into being / Before the trees (Nembe).

The future is defined as a time to be planned for in expectation:

  • xxiv. A man who wants a ram slaughtered at his graveside / Should keep a ewe to produce the ram while he is alive (Ikwerre).

Indeed, the future remains unknown and beyond knowledge:

  • xxv. Even a bird with a long neck cannot see the future (Kanuri).

One text refers to eternity as even more inscrutable than the future:

  • xxvi. God will outlive eternity (Nupe).
Why history?

First, what are the consequences of ignorance or neglect of history?

  • xxvii. A stranger in town / Walks over hallowed graves (Nembe).
  • xxviii. One ignorant of his origin / Is nondo (nonhuman) (Nembe).
  • xxix. The fly who has no adviser / Will follow the corpse into the grave (Ikwerre).

The cost of ignorance then, is high, from improper behaviour, to loss of humanity, to death. What, then are the benefits of knowledge?

  • xxx. The son of the soil / Has the python's keen eyes (Ikwerre).

The historian, the man grounded in knowledge of community history is characterised as "the son of the soil." The Ikwerre term, diali, means son of Ali, the Earth, venerated as a dominant goddess. Such a person belongs, is an insider in every sense. As a consequence, he or she sees clearly as the African python is though to see. In effect, he or she operates efficiently in society with a secure identity. In contrast, the person without knowledge of community traditions is a "stranger in town," without proper identity and open to being treated as being less than human.


This brief discourse should establish the possibility of an African philosophy of history in the oral tradition. Fuller enquiry would require interrogation of community historians as well as the contributions of modern African philosophers who can obtain answers from questioning other sources in the "primordial African discourse in its variety and multiplicity."

Note: This is the text of the lecture delivered by Dr. Alagora at CCSU earlier this year. Dr. Alagoa is one of Nigeria's pioneer scholars of oral historiography and historical writing.

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A Student View of a Lecture by Prof. Ben Magubane, September 27, 1994

by Les Bassett, C.C.S.U.

On Thursday, September 27, Professor Ben Magubane of the University of Connecticut gave an interesting presentation on South Africa to students and faculty of CCSU. Dr. Magubane, a native of South Africa, gave both a chronological history of South Africa and a discussion of some of his personal experiences in racially divided South Africa.

Magubane's history of South Africa began in 1652 when the Dutch began colonizing South Africa. In 1806 imperial control of South Africa was shifted to Great Britain. By 1820 the British took a more serious attitude towards colonizing the region. Five thousand families were brought to South Africa to settle ther permanently. In the year 1840 another wave of white immigrants arrived.

Dr. Magubane explained two types of colonies. The first type was the exploitative colony which existed in Ghana and Nigeria. The second was the settlement colony. This is the type of colony that was established in the United States, Canada and South Africa. Unfortunately, settlement colonies have been generally characterized by the elimination of the native peoples.

British interest in South Africa intensified in 1867 when diamonds were found by a farmer's child. The Kimberly Mines were opened and the diamond rush began. A small percentage of the population controlled a large majority of the land. The Black population was forbidden from all but the poorest 13% of the land. Whites wanted a "white man's country," and they got it.

In 1954 strict laws were passed to prevent anyone from encouraging Blacks to challenge segregation. Mr. Magubane told a powerful story about the state of emergency. He said that a former classmate of his was called into military service to enforce segregation. Someone who had been a fellow student now became his supervisor. In 1956 most of the ANC leadership was arrested for treason.

African resistance increased in 1986. Something had to give. Prime Minister Botha had 2 options: either install a permanent state of siege or have a degenerate collapse. Botha instituted a siege but promised to incorporate the ANC into the government. In 1987 and 1988 the resistance grew even stronger. Things did not improve until Nelson Mandela was released on February 12, 1990.

Dr. Magubane had some optimism about the future of South Africa. He said that due to mineral resources and a well-trained work force South Africa is one of the most developed third world countries. The Blacks in South Africa are poor not because of lack of good resources or lack of skills they have been deliberately impoverished. Magubane hoped that South Africa would become an economic engine to drive the prosperity of all of southern Africa with improved race relations and fair play by financial institutions such as the World Bank and the IMF.

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Main Theme: Reconstruction of Somaliland
Central Connecticut State University, DeLoreto Hall 001
New Britain, CT
19 November, 1994

Registration begins at 8:30. The Conference opens at 9:00 with opening remarks by Dr. Tim Rickard, Director, International Affairs Center, C.C.S.U. Then Dr. Karen Beyard, Vice-President oif Academic Affairs, C.C.S.U. will give a welcoming message, and she is followed by an introduction of the keynote speaker by Dr. Gloria T. Emeagwali, Coordinator of African Studies, C.C.S.U.

KEYNOTE ADDRESS: US Foreign Policy towards States in the Horn of Africa

by Ambassador David Shinn, Bureau of African Affairs,
United States Department of State, Washington D.C.

First panel is chaired by Dr. Haines Brown, History Department. C.C.S.U., introduced by Mr. Mohhamoud Dualeh

  • General historical background of the Somali-speaking peoples, presented by Professor Amina Adan, History Department, Central Orange College, California, and Mr. Isak Jama Warsame, formerly an instructor in Mogadishu
  • NGO's, UNISOM, and Somaliland, presented by Mr. Abdirahim Abbey, Former Under-Secretary to the United Nations
  • United States foreign policy in the Horn of Africa: Some reflections, presented by Dr. Walton Brown, Political Science Department, C.C.S.U.
  • African-Americans and the Somali crisis, presented by Dr. Stacey Close, Eastern Connecticut State University

The second panel is chaired by Dr. Felton Best, Director of African American Studies, C.C.S.U., introduced by Mr. Mohamoud Dualeh.

  • The IMF, the World Bank, and the Somali crisis, presented by Dr. Julius Ihonvbere, University of Texas, Austin
  • Can the unity of the Somali-speaking peoples be sustained? Presented by Mr. Osman S. Ali, Editor of Horn of Africa
  • The Legacy of Siad Barre, presented by Dr. Hussein Adam, Political Science Department, Holy Cross College, MA
  • Logistical needs of Somaliland, presented by Mr. Y. Abulrahman, Department of Health, Massachusetts
  • Women and the Somali Crisis, presented by Dr. Adeline Apena, History Department, Russell Sage College, New York

A summary of the panel discussion is offered by Mr. Mohamoud Dualeh Ahmed, Somaliland Community in Connecticut, and closing remarks by Dr. Gloria Emeagwali, Coordinator of African Studies.

For information contact Dr. Gloria Emeagwali, 203 832-2815 or Mohamoud Dualeh Ahmed, 203 246-4945.

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Send any comments to Gloria Emeagwalin emeagwali@ccsua.ctstateu.edu