Table of contents
- Editorial: Focus on North East Africa
by Gloria Emeagwali, Chief Editor
- Richard A. Lobban, The Nubian Dynasty
of Kush and Egypt: Continuing Research on Dynasty XXV.
- Cairo and Khartoum Trade Insults
Following the Addis Ababa Plot, from the Sudan Democratic
Gazette, number 63, August, 1995.
- Curt Keim and Robert Stinson, Africa
at the Movies.
- James A. Murrell, The African Drums
and Ratios Curriculum
- Haines Brown, History Dept., C.C.S.U.,
Africa and the Net
- Yohannes Dawit, Ethiopian-Eritrean
Editorial: Focus on North East Africa
by Prof. Gloria T. Emeagwali
Chief Editor of AfricaUpdate
The National Museum of African Art, Smithsonian Institution,
brings to a close its exhibition entitled "Ancient Nubia: Egypt's Rival
in Africa," an exhibition which began May 24th, 1995, and which undoubtedly
restored to the intellectual agenda a significant aspect of Africa's
Nubia, no less than its neigbours Egypt and Axum (Ancient
Ethiopia) jostled for power and control in the region. They all engaged
in expansionist campaigns from time to time and attempted to tilt the
balance of power in their favor.
The Axumites remain famous for their long range maritime
connections and building technology, including monumental churches.The
Nubians, on their part constructed apparently more pyramids than their
Egyptian neighbours to the North. It is clear that Kashta and his son
Piankhi's conquest of Egypt shifted the regional center of power to
Napata, Nubia, until 664 BCE.
Despite major demographic shifts in the region since antiquity,
there has been almost interminable rivalry between Sudan and Egypt.
What better evidence of this is there than the recent
war of words between Khartoum and Cairo over an alleged assassination
attempt on the life of Egyptian President Mubarak while he was attending
a conference in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia. Tout ça change, rien ne
In this issue of Africa Update we look backwards to Ancient
Africa, if only for a moment.
Professor Lobban of Rhode Island College, an expert in
the field of Sudanese history contributes to this issue a discussion
of on-going research into the reconstruction of Ancient Nubian history,
and we were also able to incorporate information related to the Sudanese/Egyptian
impasse earlier mentioned. Judging from Yohannes Dawit's article, "Ethiopian-Eritrean
Relations," Ethiopia and Eritrea offer a better model of congenial coexistence
than Egypt and the Sudan.
In keeping with our determination to reveal various dimensions
of African Cinema, from time to time, we have also included a very illuminating
discussion on Africa at the Movies by Keim and Stinson of Moravian College.
It is a piece that presents us with memorable insights into the distorted
and convoluted representations of Africa which Hollywood has presented
us with from time to time. Needless to say that some of what is said
here about Gorillas in the Mist; Mogambo; Out of Africa; African Queen
and even the first Tarzan of 1918 is valid in some essential way to
Educators as well as historians of African Science mya
find useful the concluding article on drumming and mathematics by James
Murrell of Duke University.
Return to table of contents.
The Nubian Dynasty of Kush and Egypt:
Continuing Research on Dynasty XXV
By Richard A. Lobban,
Professor of Anthropology and African Studies Rhode Island
The significance of the 25th Dynasty is very great. This
period (ca. 760-656 BC) was a time when Nubians ruled most or all of
Egypt as full-scale "guest" pharaohs. It was in this time that a revival
of Egyptian religion and architecture took place and major monumental
constructions by Nubians were completed at several locations along the
Nile. The Nubian revival also saw a rebirth of pyramid construction
which lasted longer and built more pyramids than even in Egypt. Several
of these Nubian pharaohs such as Shabaka, Shabataka and Taharka are
identified by name in the Old Testament as they had key alliances with
the Judeans and Phoenicians in their joint efforts to oppose Assyrian
This was also a significant period for the emergence of
substantial experimentation with alphabetic writing systems, such as
demotic which emerged at this time. A few centuries later, the Nubians
began their own unique style of alphabetic writing which still needs
decipherment today as Africa's oldest writing system outside of Egypt.
Such factors serve to document a very early, but key, contribution to
world history by an African population and they offer a powerful antidote
to the misinformed notion that Africa "has no history" in the sense
of a written account.
Although the study of Egyptian hieroglyphics dates back
to the close of the 18th century, the study of the second oldest system
of writing on the African continent, Meroitic, has only been initiated
in the 19th century and was not very seriously advanced until the 20th
century. Despite the rapid advance in the transliteration of the Meroitic
alphabet, the study has been effectively stalled ever since.
The serious collection of Meroitic inscriptions begins
with the first inscriptions recorded by Gau in 1819, or perhaps with
Ferlini's 1834 raid on the jewels of the Meroitic pyramids. The father
of serious Meroitic archaeology is typically considered to be Lepsius
as a result of his 1844 fieldwork in the region. The first systematic
work appeared in the Denkmaler of Lepsius in 1849, which includes the
formal hieroglyphic form of this dead language. The Mahdist revolt in
the Sudan brought the fieldwork to a temporary halt, but Lepsius's 1889
work on Nubian grammar advanced his interest in regional languages.
Long term research may involve the following:
I. Detailed Nile valley and regional chronology and
key biographies from the 9th to 5th centuries B.C.E.
II. Foreign Relations between the leaders of Dynasty
XXV and the Canaanites / Palestinians; Judeans; Phoenicians; and Libyans.
III. Domestic relations with Egyptians and other Nubians.
IV. Kinship and descent in Dynasty XXV among the royalty
and with the priestly elite at Thebes.
V. Monumental art, and architecture during Dynasty XXV
in the Delta; the Theban area; Kawa; Napata (and Kurru and Nuri).
VI. Religion and religious icons of Dynasty XXV in temple
styles, pyramids, and tomb images.
VII. Technology used during Dynasty XXV regarding metallurgy,
military weapons and tactics, hydraulics/irrigation, quarrying, weaving
and pottery, paints and cosmetics.
Return to table of contents.
Cairo and Khartoum Trade Insults Following the Addis
reprinted with permission from the
Sudan Democratic Gazette, number 63, August, 1995.
On 26 June, Egyptian President Hosni Mubarak survived
an attempt on his life when he was in Addis Ababa for an Organisation
for African Unity (OAU) summit meeting. His motorcade was travelling
from the airport to the city centre when it was ambushed and fired upon.
At least two of the president's bodyguard were killed as well as several
members of the ambushing group. President Mubarak's car did a swift
turn and returned to the airport, from where the Egyptian leader flew
straight back to Cairo. Almost immediately the Egyptians accused the
National Islamic Front (NIF) regime in Khartoum of being behind the
assassination attempt. At the time of going to press the matter still
Seasoned Sudan observers have little doubt that Khartoum
was involved in the assassination attempt in some way. Notwithstanding
the claim by the Egyptian group, the Jamaat Al Islamiah, to have carried
out the attack, the question remains as to how they reached Addis Ababa
undetected. Evidence indicates that the attackers arrived in Addis Ababa
from the Sudanese capital several days before 26 June. They were able
to rent a house previously occupied by an NIF operative, which was conveniently
on the main road from the airport.
President Mubarak's premature apportioning of the blame
has clouded the issue and probably made it more difficult to categorically
link Khartoum to the attack. Interestingly, the NIF regime has refrained
from issuing an absolute denial and preferred to engage the Egyptians
in highly charged polemics. Meanwhile, the Ethiopians, who must investigate
and clear up the mess, have been angered by the accusations from Cairo
and Khartoum. The Ethiopians are being used by each side to justify
their claims, whilst the trauma caused by an assassination attempt on
a visiting head of state is ignored.
Circumstantial evidence, revealed a week later, further
implicated the NIF regime in the attack. The Ethiopian authorities had
intercepted and arrested a group of Arab terrorists infiltrated from
Sudan a few days before 26 June. Similarly, the Egyptian authorities
also intercepted an Islamic group crossing the border from Sudan and
seized a large consignment of weapons. Although the NIF regime has routinely
used this border route to infiltrate terrorists into Egypt, the latest
incident was probably a diversionary tactic to draw attention away from
the planned attack in the Ethiopian capital.
The assassination attempt very nearly succeeded and only
Mr. Mubarak's sixth sense appears to have saved him. The attack on the
motorcade was the first part of a double ambush and was intended to
identify which car the president was travelling in. A few yards along
the road was a car bomb waiting to be detonated as soon as the president's
car passed. By instructing his driver to return immediately to the airport,
Mr. Mubarak avoided the more deadly second part of the ambush.
Insults and Rudeness
The initial two weeks after the attack were characterised
by insults and rudeness from both sides. Angry about the attack, Mr.
Mubarak described the NIF regime as criminal gangsters and stated that
he could easily wipe them off the face of the earth within ten days
if he so desired. Buoyed by the public support and sympathy he received
in Egypt, he talked openly about military reprisals against Sudan. Tension
heightened in the disputed border area of Halaib on the Red Sea coast
which neither the Egyptians nor Sudanese allows foreigners to visit.
There was military clash in which the NIF regime accused the Egyptians
of opening fire on their border post, killing two soldiers, wounding
many others and then evicting the rest from the post. Meanwhile, the
Egyptians accused the Sudanese of having opened fire on an Egyptian
patrol which merely returned fire, wounding a few Sudanese soldiers
who were brought to Cairo to receive medical treatment. The Egyptians
made no mention of evicting the Sudanese from the border post because
they consider the Halaib region to be part of Egypt and will not publicly
admit the presence of a Sudanese post there.
The NIF regime did not flinch from insulting the Egyptian
leader, describing him as both criminal and anti-Islamic. It said that
the Egyptian people would soon get rid of him. Both Lieutenant General
El Beshir and his political mentor, Dr. Hassan Abdalla El Turabi, ignored
the details of the assassination attempt but made great play of the
Egyptian tradition of killing their own leaders and said they did not
need the Sudanese to do it for them. They asked whether the Sudanese
had been responsible for the assassination of President Anwar Sadat
or the speaker of the Egyptian parliament, Rifaat El Mahgoub.
Upping the ante yet further, the NIF regime denounced
Egypt to the United Nations Security Council, threatening to divert
the River Nile away from Egypt and to turn the trenches in Halaib into
an Egyptian military graveyard. This bluster from Khartoum masked the
fact that the Egyptian army is larger and better equipped than its Sudanese
counterpart. By calling the Egyptians' bluff, the NIF regime hoped to
win the war of words. This has been a successful tactic over the past
six years for the regime.
It was the Egyptians who decided to back down first. Two
weeks after the attack, a presidential spokesperson issued a statement
to the effect that Egypt would never take military action against Sudan.
The statement said that in spite of the NIF regime's behaviour, Cairo
had alternative means other than military ones for dealing with Khartoum.
President Mubarak received the overwhelming support of
the large Sudanese community in Cairo, who demonstrated their rejection
of the NIF regime's methods in a huge demonstration they organised for
28 June. The march went to the presidential palace in central Cairo
where the Egyptian leader addressed the crowd and thanked them for their
sympathy and support. He praised the Sudanese as good and kind people
who are being terrorised by a rogue regime. He said that he had thought
twice about pursuing a military option because of the goodness of the
Sudanese people. The Sudanese crowd made it plain that they would welcome
the Egyptians pursuing the military option, seeing it only as an attack
on the NIF regime rather than on Sudan or the Sudanese in general.
Silent Ethiopian Anger
The behaviour of both Cairo and Khartoum would ordinarily
provoke any third party into speaking its own mind, yet the Ethiopians
have remained silent throughout. Adopting a more dignified approach
to the whole unfortunate episode. The Ethiopians have quietly set about
investigating what happened. However, even in this matter the Egyptian
and the NIF regimes have not allowed them a free hand.
The Egyptians insisted on being allowed to take part in
the investigation and flew a team of investigators to Addis Ababa. They
created a public impression that they were in charge of the entire investigation.
Return to table of contents.
Africa at the Movies
By Curt Keim and Robert Stinson
Everybody knows that American "African" films from, say,
the first Tarzan in 1918 to Out of Africa in 1985 do not offer satisfactory
portrayals of Africa. To begin with, they are unrealistic in their representation
of societal complexity. Then too, considering the decades these movies
were being made, "reel" Africa does not give much sense of real Africa's
brutal transition from colonialism to independence. In any case, filmmakers
have tended to use Africa merely as an exotic background for love and
adventure stories that are not about Africa in any fundamental sense
Our critique of African movies, however, starts where
these points leave off. Here are our questions:
- What precisely are the images and patterns of Africa
which, even in "background" films, were the filters through which
Africa itself is interpreted? It hardly matters, in other words, whether
a movie was intended to be about Africa or even whether African scenes
dominate the film. The Snows of Kilimanjaro (1952) is a case in point,
for its story takes the viewer on such a tour of extended flashbacks
beyond the opening African scene that its intention is clearly to
recreate the career of Ernest Hemingway, author of the original short
story, through many troubled venues. Yet during much of the film the
audience saw a version of Africa, and the question is, what did they
see? And how does the catalogue of images one can compile from one
film compare to the catalogues from the dozen other films on our initial
- What is "American" about American films set in Africa?
Does the fact that the studio was American make a movie American?
In recent years, does the fact that film production has been freed
from the Hollywood studio system mean that a national designation
is no longer relevant? Does it help to suggest that a film, whatever
its origin, is American if it circulated well in this country and
earned a popular response that gave it meaning within the stream of
American Culture? Stanley and Livingstone (1939), for example, came
from 20th Century-Fox and its director, Henry King, was American.
Its subject, like the memoir it was based upon, was an American's
search for a "lost" Englishman. It is an American movie. Consider,
now, the case of Sanders of the River, made in 1935, just a few years
earlier. Released by a British studio, it has all the mechanical earmarks
of a British film. To us, however, there is further significance in
the fact that Sanders did not circulate in America outside a few art
houses. The reason why may lie in the fact that Sanders did not link
Americans with any African experience that they could recognize as
their own. The film's obvious focus on Africans' child-like "You-are-my-father-and-my-mother"
dependence on British imperial authority struck no chord here, since
American interest in Africa during the thirties-official or popular-was
less systematic. (The story of American movies about China, of course,
could be more like Sanders).
- What is specifically "cinematic" in the content and
conveyance of a given film's interpretation of Africa? Movies are,
after all, not just stories but also film stories; film has a very
different rhetoric than prose. Even when filmmakers are working from
an original novel, as has been the case of most African movies, the
movie must be different from the book, not just in what is left out
(such as secondary plots or minor characters), but also in the very
means used to create for the cinematic eye and ear what was first
written prose. Photography, editing, music, and even "intertextuality"
play a role.
- That last term, intertextuality, refers to the fact
that audiences, especially in the era of the Hollywood star system,
were accustomed to cross-identifying fictional screen characters with
the actors who played them, so it was hard to separate, say, Charlie
Allnut from Humphrey Bogart in African Queen (1951). Audiences carried
into the viewing of this film the images of all the other Bogart movies
they had seen before. Similarly, Eva Gardner played two radically
different roles in Mogambo (1953) and Snows of Kilimanjaro (1952),
two "African" films which were released only a year apart. It was
hard not to think of her in both movies simply as "Eva Gardner." Intertextuality
also has to do with viewers' auteur sense of the similarities among
several films by one director. Henry King made Stanley and Livingstone
and The Snows of Kilimanjaro, so despite the 13 years separating one
from the other, one can at least look for his movies' common themes.
More complicated is the case of John Ford, who made Mogambo in 1953.
Is it too much to wonder if his Africans are a little like his "Indians"
in Drums along the Mohawk, Ford's 1939 epic of the American Revolution?
- We have now analyzed several films and see that, for
example, virtually all African movies involve an encounter between
"the West" and "Africa," framed from the point of view of the West.
This much is obvious, but we are further interested in what we call
the "mediator" persona which seems a part of every encounter. This
is a man, usually, who lives uncertainly between the West and Africa-between
civilization and the primitive-and can interpret one to the other.
Often an alienated figure, he seems to know that however usefully
distant he has become from the West, he must avoid plunging too far
into the primitive, lest he lose himself and loose his tethers with
civilization. Alan Quartermain (Stewart Granger) is such a figure
in King Solomon's Mines, as it Victor Marswell (Clark Gable) in Mogambo.
If one can imagine Tarzan, too, as a mediator, in at least some of
the Tarzan movies, then the dynamism to fear is the tug in reverse
of the dangerous West on this happy primitive. With time and increasing
artistic and anthropological sophistication, mediators might be women.
Dian Fossey, in Gorillas in the Mist, begins as an "innocent," comes
in time to "know" Africa, and then acquires a viciousness in the use
of her knowledge. The film leaves in open ambiguity the question concerning
the origin of her cruelty. Is it Western or African?
- In each of the twelve films studied Africa appears
exotic and dangerous. In the 1950s films, for example, so many snakes
and callosal spiders appear that films begin to look silly from our
90s perspective. Moreover, there is rarely a distinction between "Africa"
and "Africans" as footage of nature is interspersed with footage of
"natives." There are, however, some interesting exceptions in non-white
mediator characters. Whites rely on a few "good" Africans who can
understand the supposed logic of the white heroes. And even more interesting,
nearly every film finds a way to depict apes and monkeys as mediators
between nature and civilization. As with the white mediators described
above, more recent films tend to be more sophisticated in their use
of non-white mediators and nature. Thus in Gorillas in the Mist, Sembagare,
Fossey's tracker, almost becomes an individualized three-dimensional
character, and the revelation of gorilla sensibility poses new questions
concerning the meaning of nature.
Return to table of contents
The African Drums and Ratios Curriculum
By James A. Murrell
Dept. of Electrical Engineering, Duke University
Whether part of the drum languages for communicating messages
between villages or part of rituals for calling down the Spirits, the
rhythms of the Drum have long been central to the mundane and spiritual
lives of Africans. Drumming has also played an important role in the
struggle against enslavement and colonization. For example, the Haitian
Revolution began with a priest of Voudon named Boukman calling forth
his fellow Africans to the hills of Haiti with the drums. Drumming is
an art but also a science, as the manifold intricate patterns bear complex,
subtle and powerful relationships to the fundamental forces and patterns
These strands of the African tradition of Drumming come
together in the African Drums and Ratios Curriculum (AD&RC) being developed
in the U.S. by the Algebra Project, Inc. The Algebra Project was founded
in the 1980's by a teacher of mathematics, Bob Moses, who is known for
his work during the 1960's in the Civil Rights Movement during the voter
registration drives in Mississippi. The AD&RC is a recent initiative
aimed at the development of important math concepts such as ratios and
fractions by having 4th and 5th grade children learn, experience and
participate in the traditions of African Drumming.
African Drumming provides a wealth of opportunities for
children to see, hear, touch and move with the patterns and number relationships
that make up the fabric of African drumming rhythms. With this multimodal
sensory and experiential teaching methodology, the Algebra Project hopes
to advance the goals of empowering African people.
The core of the African Drums and Ratios Curriculum in
its current state of development is a series of lessons that begins
with every student making her or his own drum. Concepts of geometry,
measurement and estimation are involved as each child measures and cuts
a drum head for her drum. The lessons call for the participation of
a proficient drummer along with the classroom teacher. The children
learn to drum and increase their drumming proficiency. Along the way,
concepts of drum language and drum patterns and cycles are learned,
and the numerical relationships of ratios, fractions and multiples involved
in the rhythms and polyrhythyms are observed and formulated into mathematical
language. The key idea is that in each lesson, children experience a
real, engaging event or activity, which they then describe and represent
in their own language or with drawings; then with the help of the teacher
and their classmates, children begin to structure their natural representations
into a more systematic language or representation, and continue to the
point of formal abstract, symbolic representations. In this way, the
mathematics concepts are investigated and developed by the students
through inquiry and discussion and guidance from the teacher.
In the approach to math usually taken in most of today's
schools, students are fed symbolic representations without sufficient
context and then are asked to apply these to solve what appears to them
to be meaningless problems. The Algebra Project methodology turns this
up-side-down procedure back to "right side up." Meaningful, engaging
experience is given first as instances of the concepts, then the children
work together to formulate and structure their experiences until they
reach the point of abstract, symbolic representation. This allows the
children to explicitly see and experience the steps of discovery that
are part of exploring and analyzing their world. They become proficient
at these skills in a way that gives them the power to apply it themselves
in all of the contexts they must confront in their lives. In this method,
the children are not "taught at" but are empowered by ownership over
their own learning experience. The teacher is then truly an educator
in the sense of the original meaning of the Latin "educare" meaning
"to draw out"; the teacher helps to draw out of the students that which
is within them.
The current AD&RC has been developed over the last few
years by a multidisciplinary team of consultants. This school year,
the Curriculum is being test piloted and further developed in classrooms
in public schools at various selected sites throughout the U.S. A strong
component of the Algebra Project approach to education is the involvement
and participation of teachers, parents and the community in the development
of curriculum and the school environment. This will continue in the
development of the African Drums and Ratios Curriculum.
Through continued development, the core curriculum oriented
around math concepts will be expanded into a full multidisciplinary
curriculum integrating literature, language arts, science and social
studies around the themes of African culture. African songs, music,
dances and stories from many African traditions will be shared with
the children. Children will learn the history of how drumming has been
an integral part of the spiritual life and the struggle against oppression.
African concepts of Nature and science will be introduced. The children
will be provided with the resources and encouragement to explore these
themselves, individually and in cooperative groups. Class activities
may include visitors from various African traditions around the world
and "pen pal" letter writing to African children in other parts of the
For further information, please contact John Belcher or
Ben Moynihan at the national coordinating office for the Algebra Project.
Algebra Project, Inc.
99 Bishop Allen Drive
Cambridge, MA 02139.
The phone number is 617-491-0200 and the fax number is
617-491-0499. Please send e-mail information requests to John.Belcher@bbs.serve.org
or to Ben.Moynihan@bbs.serve.org.
Return to table of contents.
Africa and the Net
by Haines Brown, C.C.S.U.
The Association of African Computing Engineers and Scientists
is being formed to bring together students, academics and professionals
so that Africans can assume initiatives rather than have non-Africans
continue to define Africa's computer and telecommunication future. It
will model itself on the IEEE and ACM and focus on such areas as:
- Technical exchange between Africans at home and Africans
in the diaspora;
- Promote conferences and workshops in and outside Africa;
- Promote communication among African universities and
- Encourage the professional development of its members;
- Offer media for technical and professional communications
among its members;
- Facilitate further studies by African faculty and students;
- Support African institutions of higher learning.
Kingsley C. Nwosu,
AT&T Bell Labs
67 Whippany Rd, Rm 2C256
Whippany, NJ 07981-0903.
Return to table of contents.
Ethiopian-Eritrean Relations, 1991 - 1995
By Yohannes Dawit
Ethiopian Constitutional Commission, Addis Ababa, Ethiopia
Ever since Eritrea, the ex-Italian colony, was annexed
by Ethiopia after the end of the Second World War, following a ten year
British rule, the two countries were locked into a bitter civil war
that lasted over 30 years. The bungled de-colonoization came to an end
in 1991 when the Eritrean nationalists defeated the military junta that
had escalated the civil war into a total war of annihilation. At the
same time the EPRDF ( The Ethiopian Peoples' Revolutionary Democratic
Front ) defeated the regime of Col. Mengistu Haile Mariam, who had built
the largest sub-saharan Army with the help of the Soviet Union. Immediately
the relation between Eritrea and Ethiopia changed dramatically. It is
to be remembered that the war against the legitimate interests of the
people of Eritrea has never been popular with the peoples of Ethiopia
who were themselves forced into the war and suffered as heavily as the
peoples of Eritrea. This background helped to bring about a fast reconciliation
of the peoples of Eritrea and Ethiopia.
The first major challenge was the legitimization of mutual
interests that led the EPLF (The victorious Eritrean Peoples Liberation
Front) and the EPRDF to agree on :
- That the EPLF would not make a unilateral declaration
of independence for two years at the end of which a UN supervised
referedum on self-determination including and up to secession will
- That all Eritrean Ports will be accessible to Ethiopia's
use and payment to them will be in Ethiopian dollars.
This historical agreement paved the way for the Eritrean
people to decide on the creation of an Eritrean nation - state, which
they did in a referendum held as scheduled and planned with the UN observing
the full process.
With the evolution of independent Eritrea, the governments
of both countries have become partners in the search for peace, development
At the initial period of their relationships the two countries
showed massive cooperation in the repatriation and returning home of
thousand of Ethiopian soldiers. With the consolidation of peace in both
countries, the two countries have established a joint cabinet of ministries
to plan and coordinate policies and activities. This is more important
as both countries use the same currency: the Ethiopian dollar.
At the present moment the Transitional period in Ethiopia
is being concluded. The ratification of the new revolutionary constitution
has taken place. The elected parliaments convened for the first time
on August 21, 1995. The elected representatives will elect the national
president, The prime minister and his cabinet as well as the speakers
of both houses for the next five years.
In Eritrea, the transition to democratic elections will
not be completed for the next four years. The Eritrean Constitutional
Commission is in the process of consultation with the Eritrean public
and is not expected to come up with a draft constitution before the
next two years.
At the regional level, both Ethiopia and Eritrea are on
the forefront in promoting regional integration with their neighbors,
Sudan, Uganda, Djibouti, Somalia and Kenya.
Meantime the relationship between Eritrea and Ethiopia
is deepening in the common interest of fostering peace, democracy and
Return to table of contents
Send comments to Tennyson Darko